The European Union (EU) stands at a crossroads. Geopolitical upheavals—from the war in Ukraine to strained transatlantic relations—and global trends like the rise of supranational governance, climate targets, and digital transformation expose the limits of a centralized model. These shifts may not be random incidents but part of a deliberate, long-term strategy to push member states into relinquishing national sovereignty for broader agendas. Regardless, a profound discontent simmers in Eastern and Central Europe: Many feel stifled by ideological mandates and economic pressures that undermine their identity and independence—a frustration fueled by Brussels’ overreach and the erosion of cherished values. The rule-of-law clash with Hungary is just one sign of a deeper divide; the EU, as it exists today, no longer serves the needs of all its members.
Ideological Divide
The EU, for instance, accuses Hungary of breaching the rule of law according to its standards, yet the EU itself is heavily skewed toward the ideological left. For a country like Hungary—positioned ideologically around the center to center-right, conservative, and Christian—this automatically spells guilt of rule-of-law violations unless it radically transforms into a left-liberal state. The same applies to virtually any other conservative, Christian country in the EU. From a left-leaning ideological lens, this constitutes a breach of the rule of law—but not from a centrist or right-leaning perspective. Is such a viewpoint even compatible with the basic principles of democracy?
Vision and Purpose
This sparks the vision of a new alliance of sovereign, conservative states—starting with Hungary, Serbia, and Slovakia, expandable to Slovenia, Croatia, and potentially Austria—which we provisionally call “EU Two” and whose long-term path this roadmap, titled Agenda 2040: A Better Union, lays out. “EU Two” is a temporary label for the early stages; the final name will be set by members later. Hungary, Serbia, and Slovakia kick things off not as a privileged core but as a practical starting point—nations politically and ideologically ready to turn this discontent into action. They lead because they already channel frustration into resolve, while others, like Poland or Austria, need more time, perhaps awaiting shifts like an FPÖ-led government in Austria. Expansion will follow practical needs such as stability and alignment with the alliance’s principles; once complete, all members share equal rights without hierarchy—a sharp contrast to any tiered setup. Agenda 2040 charts a course to 2040, prioritizing economic modernization, cultural self-determination, geopolitical independence, and population growth—drawing from Hungary’s playbook, like tax breaks for mothers, a flat corporate tax, and the Golden Visa to encourage birth rates, entrepreneurship, and investment. A core principle is slashing interstate bureaucracy to the essentials—unlike Brussels’ often clunky processes, this enables fast, efficient action, saving time and money while speeding up projects rooted in the people’s will. Referendums are the bedrock of direct democracy: Any life-altering changes directly impacting citizens—such as lockdowns or vaccine mandates—must pass a public vote, ensuring true freedom, self-determination, and pluralism; security measures in the common interest, like border protection, fall to parliament. The alliance will exit the World Health Organization (WHO)— a unreflective body unfit for a free society—and build its own health competencies, linking decisions to referendums to block authoritarian overreach. There’s no debt union to avoid financial entanglement; a full Schengen with physical borders comes only after all candidates join; and each nation keeps its currency for now to safeguard economic sovereignty. Policy shuns fear tactics, resting instead on transparency, ethics, and unbiased, diverse science—a direct response to discontent over opaque, externally driven agendas. Unlike the EU, this alliance won’t hinge on a single figure but on a directly elected president representing all member states’ citizens. This democratic framework ensures legitimacy and equality, while a lean parliament of directly elected representatives keeps things efficient. Agenda 2040 taps existing economic strengths—like Hungary’s industrial ties with China, Serbia’s infrastructure projects, and bolstered agriculture—and fuses them with a firm value base blending tradition and prosperity. It seeks not confrontation or conflict but independence and a life rooted in conservative, proven principles within a free framework, where trade and bilateral ties—including imports, exports, and sustained partnership with the USA—remain key to fostering security, economic potential, and peace—a model that gives Eastern and Central Europe’s people their voice back.
Why Now?
The next decade is make-or-break. By 2030, global trends—possibly part of a broader scheme—could gain momentum, while the EU faces a choice: deeper centralization or collapse. Regardless, Eastern and Central Europe’s people crave an alternative to protect their values and freedoms. For nations unwilling to bow ideologically or lag economically, the time for a new model is now. Agenda 2040 isn’t a step back into isolation but a leap toward a modern, thriving, self-governing region. It cuts through bureaucratic clutter and centralized control—whether off-the-cuff or engineered—with pragmatic, equal collaboration, direct citizen involvement, and a break from supranational bodies like the WHO, giving Eastern and Central Europe the power to shape its own future—free of a debt union, with a clear Schengen setup and national currencies, built on transparency and ethical science rather than fear-driven policy. This roadmap sketches a two-phase rise: Within five years, its promise emerges; within ten to twelve years, its vision takes full shape—a signal to the world that a better way exists.
Phase 1: Foundation and Potential Demonstration (2025–2030)
Members
Hungary, Serbia, Slovakia as initial founding countries—not a privileged core but a practical launchpad, driven by their current political readiness and deep frustration with Brussels’ overreach.
Institutional Structure
Establishment of an “EU Two” parliament with 5 directly elected representatives per country (covering economy, infrastructure, military/security, culture/family, foreign policy including health). Total size: 15 members. The parliament handles legislative and operational decisions with minimal interstate bureaucracy—decisions within 30 days, life-altering changes approved by referendum. Introduction of a directly elected president by citizens of all member countries, serving as an outward voice and coordinator of strategic priorities that turn public frustration into solutions. Term: e.g., 4 years, first election 2026. Direct elections ensure democratic legitimacy; decisions are made on equal terms, without centralized bureaucracy—interstate approvals kept lean (e.g., max two stages, 45 days), internal bureaucracy stays national. Referendums as a tool of self-determination: All changes directly affecting citizens (e.g., lockdowns, vaccine mandates) need a public vote within 90 days of proposal; security measures in the common interest (e.g., border protection) are decided by parliament. Exit from the WHO by 2027—seen as a unreflective body unfit for a free society—with health competencies managed internally and tied to referendums. No debt union, national currencies (e.g., Forint, Dinar) kept, Schengen prepped with a focus on physical borders—all members equal, no founding core with special rights.
Economic Measures
Financing: National contributions, about 0.5% of each country’s GDP, plus initial tourism revenue; no joint debt liability. Deepening ties with China (e.g., completion of the CATL factory in Hungary 2025 for battery exports) and Russia (e.g., Paks-II nuclear plant, gas supplies for lower energy costs); interstate approvals done in 60 days (vs. EU: often 6 months)—a stand against external economic control. Boosting industry for GDP growth: Hungary doubles battery production (e.g., export volume of 5 billion euros by 2030), Slovakia ramps up auto production (e.g., 10% more output via investments), Serbia builds logistics hubs (e.g., Belgrade as a hub with 20% revenue growth). Launching a trade agreement with fixed exchange rates between members (e.g., Forint-Dinar rate stable for 1 year); goal: Boost trade volume by 10% by 2030—set in 60 days, confirmed by referendum. Starting infrastructure projects: Finishing the Budapest-Belgrade railway (2025, trade volume +15%), expanding highways (e.g., 500 km by 2030) to cut transport costs by 25% and lift trade and domestic tourism—interstate planning in 90 days (vs. EU: often 1–2 years).
Inland Tourism Network
Project “Danube Route”: Connecting Danube cities (e.g., Novi Sad in Serbia, Budapest in Hungary) with upgraded rail and shipping; goal: 500,000 tourists yearly, 100 million euros in revenue by 2030. Project “Tatra Wellness”: Enhancing Slovakia’s Tatra region with new spas and trails; investment: 50 million euros, goal: 300,000 visitors, 80 million euros in revenue by 2030. Project “Balaton Festival”: Annual culture and music event at Lake Balaton in Hungary; goal: 200,000 visitors, 50 million euros in revenue by 2030. Overall goal: 2 million extra tourists annually, revenue boost of 500 million euros by 2030 through marketing and better access; projects streamlined (max 45 days).
Further Economic Measures
Strengthening agriculture: Rolling out union-wide subsidies based on Hungary’s model (e.g., 100 euros/ha for small farmers, cost: 100 million euros yearly), shielding against foreign competition (e.g., tariffs on Ukrainian imports); goal: Lift agricultural output by 15% by 2030—subsidies settled in 30 days, confirmed by referendum. Flat tax for businesses: Setting a uniform 9% corporate tax (per Hungary); goal: Increase business creation by 20%, draw 1 billion euros in extra investment by 2030—tax reform agreed interstate in 60 days, confirmed by referendum. Golden Visa union-wide: Starting an investment program (e.g., 250,000 euros for residency, per Hungary); goal: 500 investors yearly, 125 million euros in capital inflow by 2030—program launched in 45 days, confirmed by referendum. Family policy for population stability: Financing: 200 million euros yearly from national budgets. Introducing a union-wide income tax break for mothers with three or more kids (per Hungary, 15% tax rate waived, ca. 1,000 euros per mother yearly); goal: Boost birth rate by 10% (e.g., from 1.5 to 1.65 children per woman by 2030). Additional steps: Childcare subsidies (e.g., 100 euros per child/month, cost: 150 million euros yearly), annual family festival to build community—steps agreed in 60 days, confirmed by referendum. Education and innovation: Launching a student and researcher exchange (e.g., 1,000 participants yearly, cost: 20 million euros); goal: Strengthen knowledge sharing—set in 60 days, confirmed by referendum.
Geopolitical Positioning
Securing external borders (e.g., Serbia against migration), prepping a Schengen area with physical borders until all candidates join—border plans set by parliament in 90 days; signal to investors: “Stability without ideological baggage,” anchored in the people’s will to protect their security.
Results After 5 Years
Economic growth of 3–5% yearly via exports, cost cuts, tourism, agriculture, and investments, without a debt union—a counter-model to global control. Visible infrastructure gains (e.g., modern links lift trade and tourism volume). Global recognition as an independent player through trade with non-EU states (China, Russia); WHO exit completed (2027) as a vital step for a free society, health competencies handled internally; national currencies held steady. Initial population stabilization through family policy (e.g., birth rate +10%, decline halted). Efficiency gains: Interstate process times slashed by 50% (e.g., 90 days vs. EU: 180+ days), admin costs cut by 10% (e.g., 200 million euros yearly).
Phase 2: Expansion and Consolidation (2030–2035/37)
Expansion
Accession of Slovenia and Croatia: Integrating Adriatic ports (Koper, Rijeka) for global trade—confirmed by referendum within 90 days, equal without founding perks, addressing public discontent. Potential entry of Austria (under an FPÖ-led government post-2030) if EU policy escalates—also confirmed by referendum; full Schengen with physical borders rolled out after all candidates join (e.g., Slovenia, Croatia, Austria)—all members equal. Parliament expands to 20–30 members; presidential elections adapt to new members; arbitration panel (3 representatives) established for interstate disputes—decisions in 60 days, reviewable by referendum if needed.
Economic Measures
Financing: National contributions plus tourism and export revenues, ca. 3 billion euros yearly; no joint debt liability. Full infrastructure rollout: Highway and rail network links all members (e.g., 1,500 km by 2035/37, transport costs down 40%); energy independence through a sovereign mix (e.g., gas 30%, nuclear 20%, renewables 50%, cost: 1 billion euros), affordable and self-reliant—coordination set in 120 days, confirmed by referendum. Building a modern economic cluster for GDP growth: Hungary triples battery exports (e.g., 15 billion euros by 2035/37), Slovakia boosts auto production by 20% (investments: 2 billion euros), Serbia grows as a logistics hub (revenue +50%), Croatia/Slovenia double port throughput (10 million tons yearly). Strengthening the trade pact: Clearing system for currency differences (e.g., centralized settlement, no single currency); goal: Lift trade volume by 20% by 2035/37, prioritizing bilateral ties (e.g., China and Russia offset 30% of internal market loss)—set in 90 days, confirmed by referendum.
Inland Tourism Network
Project “Adriatic-Alpine Path”: Route connecting Croatia’s Adriatic (e.g., Split), Slovenia’s Alps (Triglav National Park), and Austria’s ski areas (Tyrol); investment: 200 million euros for rail and trails, goal: 1.5 million tourists yearly, 600 million euros in revenue by 2035/37. Project “Thermal Tour”: Network of thermal baths in Hungary (Hévíz) and Slovakia (Piešťany) with shuttle links and wellness packages; investment: 100 million euros, goal: 1 million visitors, 300 million euros in revenue by 2035/37. Project “Balkan Culture Fest”: Annual event in Serbia (Belgrade and Niš) with music, cuisine, and history; goal: 500,000 visitors, 200 million euros in revenue by 2035/37. Overall goal: 5 million tourists yearly, 2 billion euros in revenue by 2035/37, creating 50,000 jobs; projects streamlined (max 60 days).
Further Economic Measures
Strengthening agriculture: Expanding subsidies (e.g., 150 euros/ha, cost: 200 million euros yearly), adopting modern tech (e.g., precision farming, investment: 300 million euros); goal: Boost agricultural output by 30% by 2035/37, cut CO₂ by 20% via regional farming by 2040—agreed interstate in 45 days, confirmed by referendum. Flat tax for businesses: Rolling out a union-wide 9% corporate tax; goal: Increase business creation by 40%, attract 3 billion euros in extra investment by 2035/37—coordinated in 90 days, confirmed by referendum. Golden Visa union-wide: Scaling up the program (e.g., 250,000 euros minimum investment); goal: 1,000 investors yearly, 250 million euros in capital inflow by 2035/37—interstate deal in 60 days, confirmed by referendum. Family policy for population growth: Financing: 500 million euros yearly from tourism and export surpluses. Extending tax breaks to mothers with two or more kids (from 2035 union-wide, ca. 1,500 euros per mother yearly, cost: 300 million euros); goal: Raise birth rate to 1.9 children per woman by 2037, achieve 5% population growth (e.g., from 30 million to 31.5 million). Additional steps: Raising childcare subsidies (e.g., 200 euros per child/month, cost: 150 million euros yearly), launching a “family bonus” (e.g., 1,000 euros one-time per third child, cost: 50 million euros yearly), adding daycare spots (e.g., 10,000 new places by 2035/37)—set in 90 days, confirmed by referendum. Education and innovation: Setting up a tech center (e.g., in Budapest, investment: 100 million euros) and scaling the exchange program (e.g., 5,000 participants yearly, cost: 50 million euros); goal: Boost innovation by 20% by 2035/37—coordinated in 90 days, confirmed by referendum. Social security: Launching a flexible pension fund (e.g., 500 euros minimum contribution per country yearly, total cost: 150 million euros); goal: Secure social stability—decided in 90 days, confirmed by referendum.
Geopolitical Positioning
Deepening the “Eastern Opening”: Trade deals with China, Turkey, sustained USA ties, and free trade with all nations to act as a neutral partner without stirring conflict—deals ratified in 60 days, trade with China and Russia covering 30% of internal market loss, confirmed by referendum; crisis fund (1 billion euros) for geopolitical stability—confirmed by referendum. Military cooperation to secure the region (e.g., joint border protection); full Schengen with physical borders after all candidates join (e.g., 2035/37)—border build (e.g., 500 million euros) set by parliament. Health policy: Developing internal competencies (e.g., joint pandemic research, no WHO reliance); decisions like lockdowns or vaccine mandates only via referendum (e.g., within 60 days of proposal).
Cultural and Social Dimension
Promoting conservative values (family, national identity); enhancing quality of life with higher incomes (e.g., +20% household income) and regional tourism access; policy rooted in transparency, ethics, and pluralistic science, free of fear—a counter to manipulative agendas.
Results After 10–12 Years
“EU Two” as a solid bloc with modern infrastructure, economic strength, and geopolitical weight, free of WHO directives, without a debt union, with standalone currencies, and a full Schengen with physical borders—all members equal, no privileged founding core. Prosperity evident: Unemployment drops, living standards climb (e.g., household income +20%), investments surge, education and innovation thrive. Population stabilized (2030) and slightly up (2035/37) via family policy (e.g., birth rate 1.9, +5% growth). Efficiency gains: Interstate process times down 70% (e.g., 90 days vs. EU: 300+ days), admin costs cut 15% (e.g., 200 million euros yearly); direct democracy through referendums for directly affecting issues boosts participation and self-determination—a response to Eastern and Central Europe’s discontent.
Strategic Principles
Efficiency over bureaucracy: A small parliament (20–30 members) with clear roles and minimal interstate bureaucracy (e.g., decisions in 30–90 days) sidesteps complexity; financing via national contributions (ca. 0.5% GDP) and growing sectors like tourism, agriculture, exports—no debt union. Equality and direct democracy: Each member state has equal standing, no privileged founding core; the president as a directly elected voice upholds this balance; referendums secure self-determination and pluralism for directly affecting, life-altering decisions. Modernization: Investments in infrastructure, industry, agriculture, tourism, education, innovation, and family policy drive prosperity and growth. Sovereignty: No ideological or external mandates (e.g., from WHO), but pragmatic global cooperation and internal competencies; national currencies kept, Schengen with physical borders post-full accession. Transparency and ethics: Policy based on open, pluralistic science and ethical standards, free of fear or ideological overreach—a reply to frustration with externally driven plans.
Challenges and Risks
Economically: Losing the EU internal market might slash exports by up to 2 billion euros yearly; offset by tourism (1 billion euros revenue), agriculture, and Eastern trade (30% market loss covered) needed; currency variances could hinder trade, eased by a clearing system. Geopolitically: EU/USA sanctions might slow investments by 20%, though conflict isn’t the goal; strong alliances (China, Russia, USA) and a crisis fund (1 billion euros) required; WHO exit could spark critique, offset by internal competencies; Schengen setup demands border security funding (e.g., 500 million euros). Politically: Member stability (e.g., Fico’s role) and acceptance of referendums, family policy, flat tax, and Golden Visa union-wide must hold; family policy costs (500 million euros yearly) could strain budgets if exports dip; pragmatic environmental protection might seem weak, upheld by independence—a stand against global agendas.
Conclusion
Agenda 2040: A Better Union presents a bold alternative to the EU: A lean, modern alliance, kicking off with Hungary, Serbia, and Slovakia as a practical start—not a privileged core—expandable to Slovenia, Croatia, and Austria (e.g., post-FPÖ government), with all members equal at completion. Led by a directly elected president and anchored by referendums as the heart of direct democracy for directly affecting issues (e.g., lockdowns), it guarantees legitimacy, self-determination, and collective identity without hierarchy—security matters like border protection are deftly managed by parliament. In 5 years, its promise emerges; in 10–12 years, its vision solidifies—with lean interstate bureaucracy for fast, effective action, paired with a Hungarian-style family policy, flat tax, and Golden Visa, plus robust agriculture, education, and innovation, fueling population and prosperity. Leaving the WHO is crucial given its lack of accountability—and tying health decisions to referendums guards against overreach. Without a debt union, with national currencies and a full Schengen with physical borders post-accession, it preserves member autonomy, backed by a crisis fund for geopolitical steadiness. A sovereign energy mix and pragmatic environmental stance, free of EU dogma, keep energy affordable and independent, rooted in transparency, ethics, and pluralistic science—not fear. With free trade and bilateral ties—non-confrontational yet self-reliant—it fosters security, potential, and peace through conservative, time-tested principles—a model for sovereign states in a shaky global landscape, answering Eastern and Central Europe’s discontent, whatever larger plans may lurk behind the scenes.
Analysis via inhungary.eu
